Street Fight
Street Fight (Written, directed, produced, and filmed by Marshall Curry, 2005). This powerful and compelling documentary deservedly earned an Academy-Award nomination and numerous other awards. It’s the classic Hollywood story of ‘the idealistic kid’ against ‘the corrupt, entrenched political machine.’ However, ‘the kid’ is not James Stewart, the movie is not Mr. Smith Goes to Washington, and the battleground is the streets of Newark, not Washington.
‘The kid,’ Cory Booker, seems straight from central casting. His African-American parents were in the forefront of the civil rights movement in the early 1960s. Young Cory had a distinguished high school career, where his football prowess earned him a scholarship to Stanford University, A stellar student, he also found time to run a student crisis hotline while also organizing help for East Palo Alto youth.
After two years as a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, Cory obtained a law degree from Yale, while also starting a free legal clinic for low-income residents. He turned down lucrative law firm offers to serve as staff attorney for the New York Urban Justice Center and to serve as program coordinator of the Newark Youth Project.
When 29, Cory moved into Brick Towers, a notorious public housing project in Newark’s Central Ward. (In 2006, eight years later, he moved to a rental apartment on Hawthorne Avenue, in an area described as “a drug-and-gang-plagued neighborhood.”) In 1998 Cory won an upset victory for Newark City Council. As councilman, he went on a 10-day hunger strike to protest open-air drug dealing. For five months he took a motor home to visit known drug-dealing locales. In 2002, rather than run for re-election as councilman, he decided to run against Mayor Sharpe James.
Sharpe James, a long-time political figure, ran and won as a ‘reform’ mayor in 1986. He defeated one-time ‘reformer’ Kenneth Gibson, whose reputation became increasingly sullied during his sixteen years in office. In 2002 the James Newark political machine was dominant and sleazy. Sections of Newark had experienced a renaissance, in good measure because of its proximity to New York. The predominately African-American city sustained high poverty and unemployment levels, Newark’s education record remained dismal, and a number of James’ cronies were indicted.
From the outset Cory was fighting against almost insurmountable odds. Street Fight covers his campaign from the outset through the election in a city where one wag observed: “The only way an incumbent leaves is death or conviction.” Cory’s decency and principles, his personable style, and his dedicated campaign team contrasted sharply with what then-Governor McGreevey described: “Sharpe James, the real deal.” Harassment of Cory supporters commenced immediately from James’ security aides, the police, and city officials. Cory soon realized that to publicly name his supporters would enable James to “crush those people.”
In the 100 days before election Cory’s biggest challenge was name recognition. The newspapers were not covering the campaign intensely and Mayor Sharpe James, a personable individual, was a household name. Meanwhile, the scurrilous personal attacks against Cory commenced: ‘golden boy not from Newark;’ ‘We don’t need no carpet bagger;’ ‘Cory is a Republican;’ ‘Who are you voting for? The white man [Cory was light skinned] or the black man?;’ and much worse. Cory swiftly learned the Newark maxim: “If you feed them you can lead them.” This meant that his street campaign required major money to provide food and gifts at campaign rallies.
While Mayor James could solicit money from developers, city contractors, and city employees, Cory was obliged to comb the hinterlands for essential funds. That ‘good government’ supporters, whether Democratic, Republican, or Jewish, responded to his appeal gave substance to the ‘outsider’ charge.
Mayor James wielded the power of his office. Moreover, repeatedly he lied publicly, with Cory lacking a public forum from which to respond. Despite these obstacles, the Cory campaign was making serious inroads into the James political fiefdom. Cory supporters’ businesses were closed down, police removed Cory campaign signs, and possible Cory advocates feared for their livelihoods. Still, Cory’s “The change we want. The leadership we need” sparked a positive resonance. In the closing days of the campaign, one poll recorded a statistical dead heat. Ex-Senator Bill Bradley, Cornel West, and the Star-Ledger and The New York Times endorsed Cory. Jesse Jackson came to Newark and denounced Cory as a wolf in sheep’s clothing. On election day Reverend Al Sharpton stood by Mayor James.
There were numerous mishaps during election day. The final tally was Mayor James 28,300, Cory Booker 24,800. Cory immediately described the result as a small wedge into the edge of the James’ machine. Stating that “I have not yet begun to fight,’ he clearly was launching his 2006 mayoral campaign on May 15, 2002.
In 2006 Major James belatedly announced that he would not run for re-election. Cory trounced James’ surrogate candidate, Ronald Rice, by the largest plurality in Newark’s history.
Mayor Cory Booker assumed office on July 1, 2006. He got off to a swift start in pursuing his campaign promises for clean and professional government. Subsequently he has encountered difficulties in transforming a system that had been politicized by the Gibson, then the James, personal political machines. All too often, ‘reformers,’ once being elected Newark mayor, disappoint their ‘good government’ supporters. Based on Cory’s background, he may break this tradition.
